THE HENCHMEN

A Talk by Geoffrey Richardson.

On the 29th November 1484. a Commission of Oyer and Terminer, which included in its distinguished membership John, Duke of Suffolk, kinsman to the King, John Howard, Duke of Norfolk with his son Thomas, Earl of Surrey, William, Earl of Nottingham, and Francis, Viscount Lovell, the King's best friend, convened at the Guildhall in London.

The Commission had been summoned to hear the case against two men who stood accused of "certain treasons" and other offences. Amongst the crimes the pair were accused of, John Turbeville was charged with publishing abroad a certain doggerel verse written by the other, William Colingbourne, a Wiltshire man of some note who, in 1478, had served in his county as a Commissioner investigating land-holdings of George of Clarence, following the Duke's execution for treason earlier in the same year. Colingbourne's "poetic offence" dated from the early Summer of 1483, when, twelve days after King Richard's Coronation, the following rhyme had been nailed to the door of St Paul's :

"The Cat, the Rat, and Lovell our Dog,
Rule all England under a Hog".

Turbeville was "reprieved" to prison - possibly for turning King's evidence - but the Commissioners duly found Colingbourne guilty of Treason and, at the beginning of December, he suffered the cruellest death reserved for Capital offenders, being publicly hung, drawn and quartered on Tower Hill "where for him was made a new pair of gallows".

The Hog referred to in Colingbourne's fatal rhyme was Richard himself whose personal badge was a white boar. The other three were important friends of the King, to wit: William Catesby, Speaker for the Commons and a member of the Great Council, Sir Richard Ratcliffe, another member of the King's Council, and Francis, Viscount Lovell, whose formal education in the first steps towards knighthood had been taken at Middleham Castle, whence he had subsequently formed a life-long attachment to the fortunes of the Duke of Gloucester, later Richard III.

Strangely, the four men named in Colingbourne's doggerel verse, which cost him his life, would all die by similar violence within the next five years, two in the fury of battle, one of starvation after fleeing a stricken field, and the fourth earning the dubious distinction of being the only "man of quality" to be publicly beheaded as retribution for supporting the losing side at Bosworth Field.

The last cruelty was reserved by fate for William Catesby, who had followed his King, Richard III, to Ambion Hill and was captured by Henry Tudor's men after the final defeat of the Yorkists. His execution was carried out, despite a grovelling submission to the new monarch, in Leicester market square on August 25th, 1485.

1. The Cat

The Catesby family had ancient and honourable roots in Northamptonshire, but only began to acquire real wealth and importance on a substantial scale during the latter part of the Fifteenth Century. Sir William Catesby - father to "The Cat" - was a religious man, rebuilding the parish church at the family seat of Ashby St Leger and, among other works, endowing a religious community in the nearby lordship of Catesby. Perhaps more important to the future of his line, was Sir William's decision after the final destruction of Lancaster at Tewkesbury in 1471, to throw off his old allegiance to the Red Rose and become a retainer of Lord William Hastings, whose rush to join the then untried Earl of March immediately before Mortimer's Cross, had led him to power, wealth and influence, second only to that wielded by King Edward IV himself.

William Catesby had married early, before Tewkesbury was fought, to Margaret, the daughter of Lord Zouche of Harringworth. This was an excellent match for an aspiring young man and appears to have been a very successful marriage, judging by his reference in his Will to "my dear and well-beloved wife, to whom I have ever been true...". And, the matrimonial benefits increased further when, following the death of Lord Zouche, Catesby's mother-in-law married John, Lord Scrope of Bolton, a wealthy and influential landowner in north Yorkshire, whose contacts and standing further improved the prospects of this ambitious young man.

Following his father, the younger William had entered the service of Lord Hastings and, like his uncle John before him, sought a place in the legal profession. In this pursuit he was most successful and by 1475 was sufficiently learned to be lecturing to students at the Inns of Court on the legal implications of Magna Carta. As well as Hastings, he had retainers from Thomas Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, Lady Latimer, co-heir to the Warwick Earldom, and even more significantly for his future standing in the Realm, he became known to, and carried out much legal work for, Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham.

Perhaps the most significant statement on Catesby's capabilities comes from Thomas More, who in his Historie of King Richard III, says :

"...besides his excellent knowledge of [English] Law, he was a man of dignified bearing, handsomely featured and of excellent appearance, not only suitable for carrying out assignments but capable also of handling matters of grave consequence." But then goes on, "Indeed you would not wish that a man of so much wit should be of so little faith."

Equally interesting is the Sainted Thomas's writing on Catesby's relationship with Hastings. He says that Catesby was "of [Hastings'] nere secret counsel... and in his most weighty matters put no man in so special trust [since he well knew] there was no man so beholden to him as this Catesby..." And, most interesting of all, on events leading up to Hastings execution : "..it was the disimulation of this one man that stirred up the whole plague of evils which followed. If Hastings had not trusted him so completely, then [Lord Thomas] Stanley and other nobles of their faction would have withdrawn at the first suspicion of deceit and with their departure they would have overthrown the secret and wicked plans of the protector..."

In this section at least, one clearly discerns the guiding hand of the Master of Deceit himself, More's patron, John Morton, adding - as always - a great lie to the basic truth, and again attributing his own "secret and wicked plans" to the long-dead, betrayed Richard of Gloucester. And, one may go on to wonder whether the real reason for Catesby's hasty execution after Bosworth was not some involvement in the conspiracy of the wicked Stanley, Morton and Margaret Beaufort to bring about the eventual downfall of Richard III, and the consequent need to close his mouth - permanently. Food, perhaps, for further reflection on this fascinating subject one day.

However, to return to our theme, the fortunes of the Catesbys, which had flourished under the patronage of Hastings, might have been expected to fade after the Lord Chamberlain's hurried execution on June 13th, 1483, but, to the contrary, they blossomed as never before. The younger William Catesby proved adept at trimming his sails to the changing winds of power in England and, following the death of his family's former benefactor, he immediately appeared as a close confidant of the Protector - soon to become King - of England. There were reports that Catesby had, in fact, joined with Buckingham in scheming the down-fall of his late master, and this would fit with his continuing progress along the Corridors of Power. But, as was to appear regularly in his subsequent career, no proof was ever brought forward of his involvement in such appalling treachery.

In the next two years, following the accession of Richard III to the throne, his devoted servant William Catesby amassed an astonishingly large portfolio of property. Building on the family estate established by his father centred on Ashby St Leger, he acquired title to more than a score of Manors and Lordships stretching across three counties - Northants, Leicestershire and Warwickshire - including four Manors in Northants which were deeded to him by Francis Lovell, less than three months after they had been restored to the Viscount from the late Sir Richard Grey's properties, by the King himself. Evidence perhaps of the persuasive powers of The Cat, who, in addition to his broad acres was confirmed as Chancellor of the Earldom of March, made Chancellor of the Exchequer for life and granted further stewardships previously held by other retainers of the dead Hastings.

One illustration of the methods used by Catesby in acquiring more and more real property is the case of John Foster, another of Hastings' retainers who held the fat stewardship of St Albans jointly with his Lord. Foster was seized within hours of Hastings' execution and thrown in the Tower. After two days without food or water in a stinking dungeon, Foster felt impelled to give up his stewardship, which was immediately granted by a still-grateful Protector to Catesby.

Buckingham's revolt against the new King gave fresh scope to Catesby's opportunities to serve his Monarch and fulfil his own ambitions. He collected many new estates confiscated from the late Duke and his adherents and soon, he became the principal channel to the King's ear. By Christmas 1483, Lord Stanley was paying him an annuity for his "goodwill"; Lord Dudley made him steward of his estate at Rugby at a yearly fee of 10 marks and Thomas Bourchier made him Bailiff of Pagham at a fee of two marks. In January 1484, at the only Parliament of Richard's reign, Catesby was appointed Speaker for the Commons, perhaps the ultimate demonstration of his Sovereign's trust. William Catesby had definitely arrived.

The Cat used the immense political power he had acquired, allied with his natural powers of persuasion, to carve out his own mini-empire in middle England and, by the time Richard summoned his forces to meet at Leicester in August 1485, William Catesby had achieved his chief ambition, which was to supplant his former patron, Hastings, as the chief magnate in the Midlands. To accomplish so much in two brief years, he often had to employ harsh methods, and there were many rumours of his sharp practice in legal dealings, but with his monopoly of access to Richard, there was no possibility of "complaint to Higher Authority" reaching the King. The Cat had it all sewn up, but he was widely disliked - hated is probably not too strong a word - in his own counties, and much of this opprobrium must have brushed off on to his master. In one more instance, Richard trusted not wisely, but too well.

Catesby was present at Bosworth Field, though he did not play any active role in the fighting, and was taken prisoner by Tudor's men. The decision to execute him was inevitable, given his close association with the dead King Richard, the many enemies he had made in the previous two years and, in the view of one Chronicler at least, the strong probability that "he knew too much." His Last Will and Testament, signed before his execution on August 25th 1485, throws light on a number of aspects of his life and career. He left instructions to his "dear and Well-beloved" wife, Margaret, as his sole executor "to restore all lands that I have wrongfully purchased" and he goes on to list a number of specific cases - presumably "purchases" made under particularly heavy duress. He orders that his Father's debts and bequests should be paid, specifically noting moneys left to the Nunnery at Catesby and leaves one hundred pounds to the Duchess of Buckingham to help her see "her Lord's debts paid and his will executed", all duties which - for obvious reasons - Catesby had been "putting off". Clearly, a man badly tainted with avarice.

In his private life, he may have been a nicer person. He asks Margaret's forgiveness for any offence he may have unwittingly given her and "prays" that the Bishops of Winchester, Worcester and London will help her in executing his Will. Less generously, perhaps, he asks her to remain single, though he promises to pray for her soul as he hopes she will for his..."and Jesus have mercy upon my soul, Amen."

The chief interest for this historian in Catesby's brief, last document lies first, in an apparently pointless plea to Henry Tudor to "be a good and gracious Lord" to his widow and orphans which he "Doubted not...for he is called a full gracious prince..." and which concludes "...for God I take to my judge, I have ever loved him...". And the opening sentence in the second [and final] paragraph which reads "My Lords Stanley, Strange [Stanley's son] and all that blood, help and pray for my soul for ye have not for my body as I trusted in you..." [Author's italics] Why did he trust in the Stanleys ? How could he expect Tudor to know that Catesby had "ever loved him" ? And what possible reason could Catesby have had to expect decent treatment for his relicts from a man as mean and vengeful as Henry Tudor ? Clearly he thought he had reasonable cause for such hopes, but all were disappointed since the Stanleys did not intervene in his cause and Henry confiscated virtually all the expanded estate, kept most of it and used the rest to "pay off" supporters - ever the model of an economical monarch !

There is much fertile ground here for future research methinks, but next we must turn to the second man defamed in Colingham's verse, who was very different to the crafty, clerical Catesby.

2. The Rat.

Sir Richard Ratcliffe was a typical North of England fighting-man from the same mould as Robert Ogle, the unsung hero of First St Albans, and John Conyers, who settled the account of Sir William Herbert - briefly Earl of Pembroke - at Edgecot. He was the second son of Sir Thomas Ratcliffe of Derwentwater and like all his family, was counted among the supporters of the Middleham Nevilles, a loyalty which transferred naturally to Richard of Gloucester, son-in-law of the last great Neville.

Ratcliffe became the second husband of Agnes, widow of Sir Christopher Boynton, and daughter to Lord Scrope of Bolton and thereby, eventually and after a roundabout fashion, he would count William Catesby as his Step-Brother-in-Law. After his marriage, Ratcliffe set up house at Sedbury in North Yorkshire and came to the notice of Richard of Gloucester soon after the Duke's move north to Middleham, through his involvement in expeditions against raiding Scottish bands. Richard made him a Magistrate of the North Riding in 1471 and within five years, he was Constable and Master Forester of Barnard Castle. In 1477 he was appointed to the Duke of Gloucester's Council and made one of Richard's feoffees of Middleham

Further marks of the Duke's favour continued to improve the standing and, no doubt, the finances of the faithful work-horse Ratcliffe, who was made Commissioner of Array in Durham and Nothumberland in 1480. In the following year, after making courageous efforts in the punitory campaigns against the raiding Scots, mounted by Gloucester, Ratcliffe became Sir Richard and he was further advanced in 1482 when the tails were cut from his pennon and he became a Knight-Banneret.

Richard of Gloucester's trust in Ratcliffe was made apparent again by his appointment as a member of the Council of the North Riding in May of 1483. In the same month, Ratcliffe had ridden south with the Duke to the fateful meeting with Buckingham and Rivers at Northampton and then on to the triumphal entry into London on May 4th, as part of the escort for the new boy-king, following the arrest of Rivers, Grey and Vaughan at Stony Stratford.

Richard kept Ratcliffe by him during his first month as Protector of the Kingdom - feeling he could well have need of strong loyal hands about him in the "foreign" country of England's Capital - and this perception was confirmed by developing events. Early in June, Richard's chief ally, Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham came to the Protector with a detailed report of a plot by the Woodville faction with which Gloucester's old comrade-in-arms, William, Lord Hastings had allied himself, and which aimed at the seizure of Edward V prior to his Coronation and his return to the care and supervision of his Woodville family. Since Gloucester would be sure to resist any such change, he too would be taken and imprisoned or, more likely, killed by Hastings' men. The neutralising of Richard would take place at the earliest possible opportunity, probably after or during a meeting of the Great Council which, under the Protector's Chairmanship, currently ruled the country.

With Buckingham, Richard of Gloucester rapidly formulated plans for a counter-coup and moved to summon armed reinforcements from his home ground in Yorkshire and the North. On June 11th therefore, Sir Richard Ratcliffe left London and spurred hard up the Great North Road bearing secret letters under Gloucester's personal seal. He reached Leconfield on the 13th of the month and delivered one of his letters to Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, leaving immediately for the City of York and thence to Lord Neville and other adherents of the Protector's cause. Coincidentally, on the same morning, Richard's first counter-blow had been struck when, at the special Council meeting he had used as bait for the plotters, he turned the tables on the would-be assassins and ordered the arrest and summary execution of Lord William Hastings, latterly Great Chamberlain of England.

His mission completed, Ratcliffe hastened back again to Richard's side and learned that the planned revolt, once made leaderless, had fizzled out.

However, the Protector had one further mission for him: he was to go to Pomfret Castle where the Warden of the Middle and Eastern Marches had been instructed to assemble Anthony Woodville, Earl Rivers, his nephew Lord Richard Grey and Sir Thomas Vaughan, who had all been judged guilty of Treason, for immediate execution. Ratcliffe would carry the warrant for this terminal act and would stay to ensure that the executions were properly carried out. This he did, and the three died together on June 25th 1483, thus keeping Ratcliffe away from the historic occasion when the three estates of England processed together to Baynard's Castle, Richard's mother's home in London where he was lodged, and there prayed that the Duke of Gloucester would take on the dire responsibility of Kingship.

Unwillingly, Richard of Gloucester acceded to the peoples' demand and, a month later, Richard Ratcliffe received the due reward of his unflagging efforts in his master's support when, with John Conyers, he was made a Knight of the Garter in the Coronation Honours posted in July, 1483. During the next three months, Ratcliffe was busy as always about his King's business, travelling part-way with him on his "meet the people" tour of England and checking developments in the northern counties and particularly in the Border area. He rejoined the King as Richard left York at the end of September and began a slow progress back to London. However, news of an armed uprising in Kent reached him at Lincoln in mid-October and caused him to hasten his progress southwards, only to halt again when news came that the Duke of Buckingham was "up" with, reportedly, a large force of Welshmen and English Marchers at his back and proclaiming his support for Henry Tudor as true King of England.

Richard acted decisively, sending to John Howard, Duke of Norfolk, to move against the Kentish rebels and summoning all his northern support to meet with him at Leicester not later than October 22nd to march against the "false traitor" and "most untrue creature living" Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham. When his rapidly-assembled army swung through Leicester's gates on October 24th heading south-westwards to Coventry and from there, onwards to meet Buckingham, Sir Richard Ratcliffe rode at his side, the veteran's well-worn armour gleaming dully in the watery sunlight.

From his stronghold in Brecknock, Henry Stafford had been leading his forces eastward for the previous six days, hoping to gather strength to use against the "usurping" Richard as he went. Unhappily for him, the climate proved entirely hostile and it had rained solidly and torrentially throughout their march. The men were wet, cold and hungry and desertions had already started when the news came that King Richard was approaching with a very large and well-equipped force. That was enough for Buckingham's rebel army which dissolved in the rain and the mud and disappeared back towards its [mainly] Welsh homeland.

The King received the news of the collapse of Buckingham's threat as he left Coventry, so he swung his army southwards instead of to the west, and as he moved forward through improving weather, the make-shift alliance of the remaining supporters of Lancaster and Woodville crumbled before his approach. Reaching Salisbury on October 28th, Richard rested his troops for a day and the following morning, amid great excitement and surrounded by heavily-armed guards led by the Sheriff of Shropshire, Buckingham - dirty, dressed in rags, despairing - was brought in for judgement. Sir Ralph Assheton, Buckingham's Deputy as Constable was designated by the King to hold court and, with no defence to offer, the Duke was condemned as a traitor and executed in Salisbury market square on November 1st, 1483.

Many of Richard's loyal supporters benefited greatly from the attainders which followed the stamping out of the last embers of rebellion, but none more than Sir Richard Ratcliffe. He was granted estates in Devon, Dorset and Somerset to a value of over 1,000 marks and it was clear that Richard intended him to be his chief upholder in the Southwest and his main defence against any resurgence of the Lancastrian Earls of Devon. Immediately however, Ratcliffe was most sorely needed in the North again and such was the number of missions and other charges he was given, to and against the Scots, it is hard to believe that he was able to spend much time in his new estates. As further reward for his continuing services, Richard made him Sheriff of Wakefield and Sheriff of Westmorland for life in August 1484 and he was noted by the chroniclers as one who "carried great sway in County Durham" in the dying months of King Richard's reign.

In the late Summer of 1485, the news came of Tudor's landing in Wales and Ratcliffe again rode south to join with his master and King. The rendezvous was at Leicester and there his most loyal captain joined Richard, last of the Plantagenets, and together the two rode out of Leicester's gates on Sunday, August 21st, leading a smaller army than they would have hoped for and with Henry Percy hanging back at the rear, a doubtful ally at best. When Richard made his last cast of the die the following day and charged down Ambion's slope in a last, vain effort to silence Henry Tudor's spurious claims once and for all, Ratcliffe was at his side, still guarding his flank and rear, and he died with the King, for whom and for whose cause he had lived, in the following melee.

For his loyalty and bravery he was posthumously attainted a traitor to "England's lawful King" in the first Parliament of the new reign, and his vast estate went to swell the rapidly burgeoning wealth of the hitherto penniless scion of the lost cause of Lancaster, with some parts reserved for restoration to the Courtenays and other former owners who had suffered for their support of the claims of the House of Tudor.

Now, the Cat, the Rat and the Hog were gone. Only the Dog remained and he had fled, stripped of lands and wealth and titles, to sanctuary in the Abbey Church of St John in Colchester. Here he waited and rested and planned for another accounting with the Welsh usurper which would come out differently to that at Bosworth Field.

3. The Dog.

Francis Lovell is the shadow-man of Richard's triumvirs, even his birthdate is not known with any certainty, though it was undoubtedly between November 1455 and February 1456. He was the only son of Sir John Lovell and Joan Beaumont, both families being staunch supporters of the Lancastrian cause. His father joined Lords Scales and Hungerford in trying to hold the Tower for Henry VI following the return of the Earls [Salisbury, Warwick and March] from Calais in June 1460 and, after Edward's victory at Towton the following year, all Sir John's lands were confiscated by the new King.

However, he was not attainted and by the end of 1463 had found his way back to favour with his Yorkist rulers and achieved the recovery of his estates. He was then unwise enough to join Somerset's rebellion in the early Summer of 1464 and his death is recorded on January 9th 1465. Later that year, his mother Joan was married again - ironically, in light of later events in the life of her son - to Sir William Stanley, but, on August 5th, 1466, she too died.

Six months earlier, at the age of 10, Francis had been married to Anne Fitzhugh, third daughter of Lord Fitzhugh of Ravensworth in North Yorkshire and Alice Neville, sister to the Earl of Warwick. This linkage with the Neville family was further reinforced in November 1467, when the wardship of Francis Lovell - with the revenues from his broad estates - was granted to Richard Neville and Francis was sent to Middleham Castle, the Earl's northern stronghold, to begin his training as a knight. This would be the first tie between the lives of Lovell and Richard of Gloucester, since the youngest Plantagenet had spent a similar apprenticeship at Middleham, which he completed some months before the arrival of the young Lovell.

The early years of Francis Lovell's training for knighthood were, therefore, spent in the nerve-centre of Warwick's plotting to maintain his supremacy in the ruling of England, contrary to the ideas of his former pupil and cousin, Edward IV. This is confirmed by Lovell's, and his wife's, inclusion in a general pardon to the Fitzhugh's for acts done in support of the rebellion by Warwick and Clarence against the King's majesty in July 1470. Briefly thereafter, the pardon became irrelevant when Warwick returned and re-installed Henry VI as England's King but, after Edward's crushing victories at Barnet and Tewkesbury, the future of Francis, Lord Lovell, was amongst the many loose ends tied up by Edward IV, and his wardship - and the income from his estates - was passed to John de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk and husband to Edward's sister Elizabeth. It was while he was a ward of Suffolk that Lovell met the Duke's son , John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln, eventually designated as heir to the throne by Richard III, and at Lincoln's side years later, Lovell would see the final demise of the house of Plantagenet of York on a gory field beside the old Roman road, the Fosse way, in the Summer of 1487.

Ten years prior to the downfall of the White Rose, Francis Lovell, having attained his majority, petitioned King Edward for the return of his estates and this was granted on November 7th of 1477. However, obtaining possession of what was rightfully his was not a simple matter and for some considerable time Francis Lovell found himself involved in suits at Law to recover his lands. Some of the litigation was against powerful magnates, Lord William Hastings was one, and another was Sir Richard Grey, respectively the King's best friend and oldest comrade-in-arms, and Edward's step-son. Lovell clearly needed a "friend at court" and the likeliest provider of such support would appear to be the King's brother, Richard Duke of Gloucester. Lovell had large land-holdings in North Yorkshire, some of them - Bedale for example - running immediately next to Middleham's estates, so there was much in common between the royal Duke and his fellow-graduate from the Castle's training school and on June 20th 1480, Francis Lovell was appointed a Commissioner of Array for the North Riding of Yorkshire.

His first duties involved the recruitment of men to march with Gloucester on a major, punitive campaign into Scotland. This invading force was led - in addition to Duke Richard - by the other chief land-owners in the Borders, Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland and Lord Thomas Stanley. Lovell found opportunities to distinguish himself in the ensuing fighting and he was knighted by Richard at Hutton-by-Berwick on August 22nd 1481. Later, as the advance into Scotland continued, he was himself granted the privilege of knighting two of his own commanders following action near Dumfries, one of the pair being that vastly experienced captain, Richard Ratcliffe, Constable of Barnard Castle. After the campaign, Richard continued to find employment for Lovell in the north and he was appointed a commissioner of oyer and terminer for Yorkshire in March, 1482.

In November of that year, he received his first summons to Parliament, where the success of Gloucester's Scottish campaign was greatly lauded and, on January 4th following, was signally honoured by the King's appointing him, Viscount Lovell, clearly a further celebration of Gloucester's victories through the ennoblement of one who had earned a place among the Duke's most-trusted captains. Three months later, on April 9th, 1483, Edward IV, greatest warrior-king of the English, died peacefully in his bed and Richard of Gloucester would have sore need of men he could trust.

In the fraught months following the King's death, leading, via the exclusion of Edward's children from the succession on account of their illegitimacy, to the Coronation of Gloucester as Richard III, Lovell was busy on his master's behalf working as a commissioner of the peace in Northamptonshire, the East Riding of Yorkshire. Bedfordshire, Berkshire, Essex and Oxford and, late in June, was appointed a chamberlain of the Royal Household, confirmed as Chief Butler of the Kingdom and created Constable of Wallingford in Oxfordshire. Lovell and his wife played prominent roles in the Coronation ceremonial, with Francis carrying the third Sword of State and his wife joining the Queen's procession on the eve of the ceremony. They joined the royal couple on their following tour of the Kingdom and entertained them at the newly refurbished residence at Minster Lovell, en route to Gloucester.

When news of Buckingham's revolt reached the King, Lovell was immediately sent to his estates to raise men and to command similar support from his principal neighbours, chief among whom, Sir William Stonor, failed to comply and had indeed taken his forces to join Henry Stafford's rebels. However, Lovell raised a strong force which rendezvoused at Banbury on October 18th and marched on to Leicester, joining Richard there two days later.

He stayed with the King's army throughout the campaign and witnessed its effective ending in Salisbury market square on Sunday, November 1st, when the erstwhile Duke of Buckingham was publicly beheaded.

Through the remaining short period of Richard's reign - less than two years of life remained to him after Buckingham's death - Francis Lovell continued his chosen role as the King's close friend and trusted confidant and when news came of the advent of the long-awaited Tudor invasion, Lovell was sent by Richard to raise men and to guard the south coast which was regarded as the likliest place for Tudor's landing. The King placed his most trusted servant in the place where his undoubted loyalty was most needed. In the event, Henry Tudor landed in South Wales on August 7th and quickly began making his way toward the centre of England for the do or die confrontation with the last of the Plantagenet line.

Lovell turned his back on the south coast and headed north towards Leicester again for a reunion with his King, prior to the final confrontation with the descendant of the bastard Beaufort sprig and he joined the army in time to move out of the city gates for a last time, and to encamp at Sutton Cheyney in the evening of August 21st, 1485. Less than twenty four hours later, friendless, masterless and in continuous peril of his very life, he was a fugitive from Tudor vengeance, fleeing south and east towards temporary sanctuary in Colchester.

Over the next two years, Francis, Viscount Lovell, again became the shadow-man of Plantagenet history. His name is associated with minor, and unsuccessful, rebellions in Worcestershire, Yorkshire and Lancashire, before he is seen emerging in Burgundy, where Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy, sister of Edward IV and Richard III, and last-surviving source of political power for the Yorkist claim to the throne, continued to plot and pay for schemes to dethrone the Welsh usurper. Here, in the Spring of 1487. he was joined by John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln and, together, the two slipped over to Ireland - the old Yorkist power-base - and with 2,000 German mercenaries led by an experienced captain, Martin Schwarz, and several thousand wild Irishmen under the Earl of Kildare, sailed eastwards to land on the Lancashire coast on June 4th, 1487. With them came a young boy who, they claimed, was Edward, Earl of Warwick, son of George of Clarence and the true heir to the crown who came to claim his own.

Twelve days later after an untidy campaign of marching and countermarching, the army led by Lincoln and Lovell met Lancaster's one great general, John de Vere, Earl of Oxford near Newark in a battle which history would name Stoke Field and, after initial success, the Yorkists were thoroughly and finally routed. Many of the Irish were trapped against the broad current of the River Trent and its waters ran red with their blood for miles downstream, others fled towards Lincoln and were caught and hanged on gibbets all along the road to this spurious refuge, and in the centre of the city itself. Henry Tudor was intent on showing his people what happened to those who rebelled against his beneficent rule.

Lincoln, with Schwartz and his men, died on the field; the boy pretender turned out to be a commoner called Lambert Simnel and he was put to work as a scullion in the King's kitchens; but the most painstaking search among the bodies of the fallen failed to unearth the corpse of Francis Lovell. The shadow-man had, once again, disappeared. This time, however, there would be no second-coming for the Viscount Lovell, Knight of the Garter, and close friend of the last Plantagenet King. His story proper ends in the bloody aftermath of Stoke Field, but an ancient tradition holds that he was run to earth in his family seat of Minster Lovell, hiding in a secret cellar, and there he was walled up on Henry Tudor's orders and left to starve to death. True or not, Francis Lovell, last of the Middleham Paladins, was never seen again.

Sources and Author's Notes.

As always, I have made full use of the Society's central Library, courtesy of Carolyn Hammond and am grateful to her and to Peter for their ever-available help and advice.

The source-documents I found most useful in preparing this article were :

William Catesby by J.S. Roskill, [Bulletin of John Rylands Library.]

The Hastily Drawn Up Will of William Catesby by Daniel Williams. [Leicestershire Archaeological Society Transactions, Vol 51, 1975/6]

The Life and Times of Francis Lovell by Robottom/Workman/Carty. [Booklet produced by the West Midlands Branch of the Society, 1982]

The Political Career of Francis Viscount Lovell by Joanna M. Williams [Article in The Ricardian.]

Together with various sources from my own library, mainly :

North-Eastern England during the Wars of the Roses by A.J. Pollard

Richard III by Paul Murray Kendall

And my own The Hollow Crowns and The Deceivers.

Note: I have modernised all the Olde Englyshe quotations used in the hope of making them more easily intelligible to today's readers. If any purists object to this, my apologies.